After spending 10 posts (starting here) of Musa Al Garbi’s discussions in his book, we’ve never happened, so it’s time to move on to my assessment of those discussions. In this post, I begin to cover Som about the causes of “waking up” and the symbolic capitalist motives of “waking up” in support of police harmful to the poor and vulnerable, that is, my thoughts on the larger pikua idea of Al Garbi.
Overproduction of elites
Overall, Al Garbi, who describes your awakening, describes it as an era in which members of what he calls the iconic capitalist class seek to take the reins of social justice moves to maintain or strengthen their position. An important factor in this process is “elite overproduction.” This is the idea that too many people consider themselves destined to join or remain in the elite class rather than having the current abilities of the elite.
I think the idea of elite overproduction is basically healthy. If I had to choose NIT (and I love a good nitpick!), I would probably have put it more together as an elite supply and supply issue – the term “elite overproduction” sounds like a purely oversupply problem. For example, when Al Garbi talks about the overproduction of elites from the first great awakening (1920s to the 1930s), I have a point of data showing an increase in the proportion of university education. In itself, I don’t think that 0.12% of the PhD population, at least for awakening, amounted to a large number.
But I think the oversupply is doing a lot to capture a lot of current executives. Many people in my generation were raised to be said to be practically important academics to go to university and earn their degrees. However, many have discovered that graduating from university and earning a degree is far from reaching the well-paid job they believed in.
Part of the problem is that strategies that demand career success through earning a university degree are like those that work well when most people don’t. Pushing more and more people into the university pipeline will not become available to more and more people to get all the benefits that are historically offered. It only reduces degree ownership through inflation, and with large student loan debt, more graduates hold poor job prospects.
Much of anger over this situation appeared between Occupy Wall Street. I remember during the protests reading a news article about Subeone, who prints the Numberus recruitment application for basic retail and service jobs and works in an office building that oversees the occupation camps that have been thrown out of the windows to rain during protests. The non-sub-ruggable message was “Just get a job, loser to the unemployed!” And in the story, they interview protests about it. Their response was that they were not just random losers, they were all university education and had a flashy degree, and the reason they got those degrees was that they would have to work the kind of job job that is considered under their correct full. They felt that the unspoken contracts they had gone through were broken – they graduated from high school, went to college and earned their degrees, Ben told their entire lives that this was their ticket to the top. But they felt vry to the point of being unsafe in their outlook. (The current details may have been slightly different, because I rely on my memory here, but the main points of the story were basically along those lines.
Al Garbi focuses primarily on the US, but “awakening” occurred all over the world, with the methods and composition of “awakening” being similar in different countries. And frustration was also about the elite (or elite candidates) feeling uneasy about their status. This was explained by Martin Gurri, who is in the middle of his latest Awokening in his book The Revolt of the Public (published in 2014).
This section of Scott Alexander’s review of this book explains the movements in all these different countries, but it sounds surprisingly lined up with what Al Garbi explains.
All of these movements were primarily middle class in their respective countries. In a time of well-connected, web-savvy era, it meant something. Most are young, mostly university-educated, and are primarily part of their country’s most privileged ethnic groups. Not like someone who normally takes you on the streets or watches build a city of tents…
Gri is not shy about his compositions for this. Not only these subs of privileged people in each country (the legally despicable 2008 recession), they lived in prison times. In Spain, the past 40 years have been replaced by the collapse of military dictatorships, liberal democracy, with a fifth of the per capita GDP of between $6,000 and $32,000 a year. The incensed Spanish protesters experienced an almost unprecedented economic boom in the most peaceful period in European history, with the technology and luxury that previous generations could barely dream of. They received free healthcare from the cradle to the grave, university education, and were approaching the pinnacle of the pyramids of the class of ESIR society. But they were totally convinced, completely convinced that this was the most illegitimate and oppressive government in history, constantly quoting from the path of manifesto for rage!
Again, an idea can be submission to the overproduction of the elite. It is a well-bred fact that social justice activities are also primarily elite activities.
In my next post I will look at how well-known explanations of incentives and political coalitions may provide insight into the analysis of the algarbi.
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